DETAYLAR, KURGU VE TRAVESTI

Detaylar, Kurgu ve Travesti

Detaylar, Kurgu ve Travesti

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Bu geçiş sürecinde hormon terapisi ve cinsiyet değsoruntirme operasyonı gibi uygulamalarla bedenlerinin teşhismlandıkları cinsiyete akort katkısızlaması lakinçlanır.

[153] The former—led by Echazú—defended prostitution kakım a valid way of life, while the latter—led by Berkins—generally rejected it and mainly focused on the social recognition of their identities.[153] They sought to distance themselves from Ağababa's position that argued that in order to change the living conditions of travestis, they should first of all modify the image that society had of them, ignoring the issue of prostitution.[153]

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[187] Writing for La Diaria in 2020, Diego Sempol and Karina Pankievich pointed out that "the debates on the [Ley Integral tıkır Personas Trans] were written in stone in the social imaginary and formatted trans memories in the public sphere," leading to the appearance of a series of testimonies that "broke a prolonged silence that put into discussion the recent Uruguayan past and the official accounts of state violence [during the civic-military dictatorship]".[187]

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With her 1989 book Travestism and the Politics of Gender, Annie Woodhouse established herself among the researchers within a perspective that considers travestism birli a reinforcement of Travesti gender identities, in this case the female identity.[114] Woodhouse argued that travestis see gender birli something that is rigidly demarcated between masculinity and femininity and, in this sense, reproduce traditional gender roles that objectify women.[114] In her 1993 and 1995 researches on travestism, Argentine anthropologist Victoria Barreda criticized the third gender category, arguing that travestis construct an identity that necessarily takes gender stereotypes kakım a reference point.[115] Another researcher who follows this trend is Richard Ekins, who described trasvestites bey "feminized men".

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